我在飞机上看了《Pulp Fiction》和《建党伟业》。《建党伟业》里有毛毛和胡适交流的片段(毛听胡适的课,可能还有其他)。我对毛胡之间的关系有点兴趣。年初我读司徒雷登的My Fifty Years in China(英文原版,不是翻译版本),胡适给该书写得序言很有意思:胡对司徒雷登的传教很不以为然,但对其办教育却是赞赏尤加。胡也专门提到抗日胜利后国共和谈期间,胡专门给他曾经的学生老冒写信进言,并且说他确认毛收到了他的信件,但毛却没有理会。我现在对这封信很感兴趣:胡毛关系如何?党史里有没有记载?中央档案馆有没有原件?如果有,胡适的建议是什么?毛不理会的原因是什么?这事儿,有点意思!我觉得这电影基本上是尊重史实的,既然有毛胡互动的情节,就说不准有点小料。
1.北京大学和燕京大学的关系很有意思,现在的北大校址是原燕京大学所在地(燕园)。可能是我孤陋寡闻,但我是在读完My Fifty Years in China之后才知道。我知道北京大学和燕京大学,但我以前对他们在解放前的同时存在并不了解;
2.我对司徒雷登的中国助理傅先生也感兴趣(Mr. Fugh. Stuart suggested the Fugh spelling. 名字忘掉了,现在在飞机上也不能查)。他跟随司徒到了美国,司徒晚年就是傅先生一家来照料,虽然司徒有自己的儿子和兄弟。傅先生一家人来美时,他儿子十几岁。儿子后来入伍,是美国第一位获得将军级别的华裔。傅将军前两三年去世;
也因此联想到现在的对所谓“红歌”的讨论。我最近刚读完Tom Brokaw(汤姆-布罗考)的Boom!-Talking about the Sixties,还好啦,马马虎虎。但其中的保罗-西蒙(如翻成“萨尔蒙”会更接近其原音)的一段话挺有意思的:
For people who were there, the songs are associated with a certain memory or person, and the power of that magnified over the years. The songs are our lives. If I tried to write something like ‘The Sound of Silence’ now, it would be wrong. That time frame doesn’t exist anymore.(简装本第529页)
来到楼下后,又看到两位年轻的mm工作人员,分别带着西班牙和美国国徽。那个可爱的美国同胞听说我来自中国,半开玩笑半皱眉地耸耸肩说“Really,from the PRC?”,酸吧啦叽地,好像有点怜悯、憎恶、无奈、好奇等说不出名堂的滋味来。我笑笑说,对呀,我是来自PRC的一条好汉,但我现在和你一样,也是美国人。她笑了。接下来宾主在亲近友好的气氛中会谈,讨论了附近的饭馆儿情况,她们给了我一些建议后我们告别。
星期一晚上和同事去了个叫“Ruth’s diner”的一个小饭馆,所谓“hole in the wall”的规模。我点了个Pork Tenderloin,猪肉里脊,很好吃。星期二和同事一起去了叫Bombay House的印度餐馆,我点了“加辣”(extra hot)的Aloo gobi,一道黄黄的菜花和地蛋做成的菜,和一个烧饼(Naan bread),都不孬吃。我要了一瓶泰姬陵牌印度啤酒,味道一般。那天比较忙,没空解大手,弄得有点腹胀,也就没喝完。星期三吃了个墨西哥的Burrito,就是个单饼卷肉之类的东西,这个口味不咋地。
然后读了三联书店的《七十年代》,很不错。经推荐,读了吴法宪的《岁月艰难──吴法宪回忆录》,也很喜欢。刚读完John Leighton Stuart/司徒雷登的Fifty Years in China,欣赏他的人格和善良,但不同意他的观点和结论,也更增加了我对马歇尔和史迪威的尊重。靠,都晚上11点多了,打住,该上床歇觉了,以后再写吧。各位晚安。
The Pakistanis balked at the joint operations, but were soon granting visas for more CIA people to enter Pakistan. For example, a January 18, 2010, request for 36 CIA people was soon approved, and CIA deputy director Steve Kapps personally asked for 10 more visas on April, 19, 2010.
第364页:
Jones said that President Obama wanted four things: full intelligence sharing, more cooperation on counterterrorism, faster approval of visas for U.S. personnel, and, despite past refusals, the sharing of airline passenger data.
If, God forbid, Shahzad’s SUV had blown up in Times Square, we wouldn’t be having this conversation, Jones warned. The president would be forced to do things that Pakistan would not like.
“The President wants everyone in Pakistan to understand if such an attack connected to a Pakistani group is successful there are some things even he would not be able to stop. Just as there are political realities in Pakistan, there are political realities in the United States.
“No one will be able to stop the response and consequences. This is not a threat, just a statement of political fact.” 这一段多讽刺啊!
第368页:
The options for Obama would be significantly narrowed in the aftermath of an attack originating out of Pakistan. Before such as attack, however, he had more options, especially if there was a way for Pakistan to make good on his four requests. Some 150 visa applications for U.S. military and intelligence operatives were being withheld that were over six weeks old, and U.S. embassy personnel were now required to renew their visas every 90 days. The Pakistanis were dragging their feet on visas for U.S. personnel to carry out the transfer of equipment that the Pakistani military needed. It was insane, Jones thought.
第369页:
In the event of a terrorist attack, Lute worried that it would be hard for Obama to defend Pakistant because their leaders had refused to do what had been simple and easy, especially on the visas and passenger lists. If two near-misses were the leading edge of a trend, what would it take to wake the Pakistanis up?